Firmly Grounded Their Art in the Consumer Culture and Mass Media of the Postwar Period

Come across a Problem?
Thanks for telling us about the problem.
Friend Reviews
Reader Q&A

Customs Reviews


Cohen'due south argument is important because information technology complicates our agreement of American history. She downplays—nay, challenges—the historical exclamation that the cold War was the defining influence on post-war America. Her consumer's republic was a post-war strategy "for reconstructing the nation's economic system and reaffirming its autonomous values through the expansion of mass consumption." (11) This consumers' Democracy impacted where and how Americans lived, how and what they consumed, and how they viewed government. The consumer'south democracy resulted in an economic upswing (Pax Americana), only also added to racial and gender stratification. This occurred through planning (i.east. suburbia, commercial 5. residential zoning). Target Marketing by pattern stratifies by gender and race. Downtowns became decimated in favor of bourgeoisie and malls. Schools were funded unequally based on property taxes. The G.I. bill aided predominantly white males. The 1970s economical crisis collapsed the Consumers' Republic. In response, a growing political aim to aid in privatization and deregulation are justified as aiding the consumer and therefore the entire economy. Consumers view gov't policies as another consumer good to be judged based on individual utility. (review)
At the end of WWII, New Deal era labor and consumers' movements lost the battle to retain price controls. This defeat combined with postwar reconversion legislation and shifted power away from New Deal models of consumer citizenship towards white, male, middle-class consumers. The women now became not an active fellow member of political activity, only a Keynesian pawn held to her dwelling to swallow. There were notable exceptions: boycotts and sit-ins of civil rights activists come to mind. Her book attempts to answer Michael Denning's argument about the "laboring of American civilisation" during the New Deal.
...more

During the New Deal and World War Ii, many American citizens sought to eat specific goods for the sake of the nation. The idea hither was not to eat everything--frugality was necessary, and that which was consumed must do good the
I don't know if information technology'due south just me, but I establish this book to be much more hard to read than Cohen'due south showtime volume, Making a New Deal: Industrial Workers in Chicago, 1919-1939. I'm non certain if I fully understand Cohen'southward argument, but this is what my major accept-abroad is.During the New Deal and World State of war II, many American citizens sought to consume specific goods for the sake of the nation. The idea here was not to eat everything--frugality was necessary, and that which was consumed must do good the larger nation. To be a proficient denizen, the interests of the nation had to be put offset, with luxuries and personal desires remaining subordinate to the United states (as an aggregate). These are an "ideal type" that Cohen calls denizen consumers
All the same, at the aforementioned time, another ideal type emerged--that of the purchasing consumer. The purchasing consumer liked to larn goods and pay for services for their ain sake, offering a level of luxury non before seen. However, the trouble with this is that purchasing anything had the possibility (and probability) of undermining limited consumption during the 2nd World State of war [pic related].
However, in the post-war years, the results of a sort of Hegelian dialectic emerge. The citizen consumer (the thesis) was synthesized with the purchasing consumer (the antithesis) to produce the purchaser as citizen. The purchaser as denizen is an ideal type that represents the perspective that ALL consumption really benefits the national interest, no matter what it is. In the wake of Depression and State of war, economic recovery was critical (although much of the engine was already spurred by the defense manufacture), and the best way to recover was past consuming, consuming, consuming. Consumption of goods requires people to produce those appurtenances, thereby creating jobs and strengthening the American economy. This worked well because, with the backdrop of devastation of years of warfare, there was nowhere else on Globe that could economically compete with the United States. The vast bulk of goods were produced domestically, thereby strengthening the American economic system further.
The unity of consumption and civic duty created a world where consumer activism, consumer rights, and consumption itself became representative of American values. In the procedure, Americans restructured their residential communities, commercial centers, and ostensibly empowered oppressed groups similar African Americans and women (I'chiliad less convinced by this concluding argument). Further strengthening the hold of consumption in the U.s.a., new industries were forged in marketing and advertising to promote consumption, which was largely successful.
The story ends with the collapse of the American economic system in the early 1970s, which delegitimized the deed of consumption equally a civic duty. Consumption connected and the association of consumer well-being with American prosperity connected, only consumption and "borough duty" became separated.
I know I just used the give-and-take "consumption" and its derivatives a lot, merely information technology's the best mode to describe what's happening hither. Cohen is largely disarming, but the logic of the book was, at times, a fleck confusing to me. Withal, it'south worth reading to make sense of the seeming idolization of consumerism in the The states.
...more than


Crucially Cohen dedicates sizeable portions of her analysis of this new consumer'southward commonwealth to its failings and- in many cases deliberate- inequalities. She suggests that the consumer'south republic represented a more than segregated America than had been seen in the preceding decades, and that the rapid changes that were taking place in American gild left African-Americans behind. She, sometimes slightly clumsily, frames much of the Civil Rights Movement in consumerist terms, arguing that the 'urban rebellions' of the 1960s were the consequence of a renewed sense of African-American disenfranchisement and exclusion brought on by this reconfigured and exclusionary white heart class consumerist society. Cohen'due south volume frames consumption every bit a fundamental marker of American identity, paving the way for deeper explanations of what it meant to be a citizen in this new social structure.
...more

Cohen explores the rising of manufactured goods, suburbs, shopping centres and the ethos of increased spending on consumer goods a
This is an extremely readable examination of the valourization of mass consumption in America in the middle of the twentieth century. Cohen argues that, showtime during the New Bargain, the thought of Americans as citizens and as consumers became inextricably linked, and that consumption was understood as an important style all people could benefit to the wellness of the nation.Cohen explores the rising of manufactured goods, suburbs, shopping centres and the ethos of increased spending on consumer appurtenances as a ascension tide that would lift all boats. She as well explores the racialized and gendered lenses through which consumerism was inevitably understood, and the means in which consumerism both empowered and disenfranchised American women and black Americans. Cohen also examines how important class was in America, despite how proudly many political leaders stated that the USA was a classless society, with all sharing in prosperity.
Though this was published in 2003, it's also a timely read. Information technology explores many of the means that black Americans have been excluded from American prosperity, from the GI bill to restrictive housing covenants to the 'don't shop where you can't piece of work' movement. If you're interested in learning about the ways that American policy has favoured some groups over others, while also touting the American dream, this is an splendid read.
As I mentioned above, this is extremely readable. Though detailed, Cohen's prose is crisp and lively. She likewise includes photos, advertisements and charts to illustrate her arguments. This is an bookish work, and it's non curt. Merely if you're interested in the subject area matter, I think information technology's worth picking upward.
...more

Cohen's writing is clear and refined. Although this is a work of advanced scholarship, it is well inside the achieve of able high school students and would be a great example of clear, professional historical writing. I can see using excerpts to teach content as well as style.
...more than
Using her home state of New Bailiwick of jersey as a way to analyze mass consumption issues of the postwar era, Cohen details the origins, character, and consequences of this new American consumerist mentality and questions whether the Consumers' Republic really yielded all of its supposed benefits. She charts the origins of the Republic to the 1930s, when lawmakers, women, and African Americans pursued a "citizen consumer" part—a function that put the safety and political rights of the consumer at a premium. Authorities agencies reinforced and strengthened the citizen consumer concept through World State of war 2 with aggrandizement control and other artificial means of maintaining a stable and productive wartime economic system. Cohen places the house establishment of the Consumers' Republic in the immediate postwar period when government supported an expansion of the private sector, thereby assuming that this would be the sight of an egalitarian free market economy that would embody democratic ideals and freedom for all citizen consumers. Cohen shows that this was non always the case—women, African Americans, and depression-income consumers were ofttimes marginalized, both formally and informally, by a defensive rising eye form, a painfully slow-moving federal government, and individual developers and marketers who wanted to maximize profits, which meant marketing to the rise white centre class reaping the recent benefits of the GI Pecker. Cohen too examines the creation and expansion of the suburbs, privately owned shopping centers, and market segmentation, which were all function of the idealist Consumers' Democracy based more than on a dream of equality rather than a reality.
Every bit a consumer history, A Consumers' Republic is well conceived, well articulated, and well executed. Using her childhood home state to illustrate the larger trends taking identify throughout the The states is helpful and convincing, but it neglects the heterogeneity of the country. Regional economic differences were even more pronounced during the establishment of Cohen's Consumers' Commonwealth, leaving a southern or western historian to wonder whether these patterns of widespread suburbanization, multiplying shopping malls, and restructured taxation systems were as prevalent in other regions of the Usa. From a southern perspective, Cohen situates the role of consumerism amid urban African American southerners in the burgeoning Ceremonious Rights Move, merely fails to discuss the rural population that made up such a significant portion of the United States generally and the South more specifically. Additionally, the federal government takes a central role in her understanding of the Consumers' Republic, yet southern state governments were notoriously wary of federal intrusion into state policy. It is likely that the economical and social problems of the Due south put it exterior of the mainstream America that Cohen seems to be focused on, but it is a glaring omission in a book concerned with characterizing consumerism in postwar America as a whole.
In addition, Cohen fails to examine the rise of the modernistic tourist industry occurring almost simultaneously with the development of her Consumers' Commonwealth, particularly in states like Florida and California, where theme parks and resorts expanded into multimillion-dollar attractions capitalizing on Americans' postwar purchasing power. Parks like Disney World and Half dozen Flags became synonymous with centre class white America'south idea of family vacation and symbols of American consumerism abroad. Cohen's emphasis on the government's role in postwar consumerism implied that housing, malls, and modern appliances were all that consumers were purchasing, simply condition symbols went beyond a nice car and a nice dwelling house. Middle class families might not take been able to beget a trip to Europe or other exotic destinations, just domestic theme parks marketed straight to this rising heart class offered a more than exciting and economic culling to local attractions.
A Consumers' Commonwealth is the product of extensive enquiry and bang-up insight into the political and social history of modern American consumerism by an writer who conspicuously understands how the pursuit of economical prosperity may have defined postwar America even more than the idealism of the Common cold State of war. Every citizen participated in the Consumers' Democracy in some course or some other, whether by accepting the regime relief of the Depression, reaping the benefits of the GI Bill, or shopping in the local mall. With this book, it is now possible to sympathize how consumers' personal economical benefit became the catalyst for these extensions of the Consumers' Democracy.
...more
I think Cohen'due south best chapter was on suburbanization - the promises it held for middle-course white families, and the legal barriers erected to go along out working-course whites and people of color. ...more

References Halberstam'south The Fifties with regards to advertizing
Companion to City of Quartz just focused on NJ
Focuses on Black and female person consumers, mainly 1945-1975
Blackness women organized confronting white shop owners in Harlem to force them to rent Black employees in the 1930s
Riots focused on white-owned businesses while Blackness-owned businesses were spared
Looters saw commercials for products featuring whites which stoke
I'one thousand super decorated at the moment so jotting down notes to write a fuller review later.References Halberstam's The Fifties with regards to advertising
Companion to City of Quartz but focused on NJ
Focuses on Black and female person consumers, mainly 1945-1975
Black women organized against white shop owners in Harlem to forcefulness them to rent Black employees in the 1930s
Riots focused on white-owned businesses while Black-owned businesses were spared
Looters saw commercials for products featuring whites which stoked consumer resentment
Whites moved out of cities and into suburbs, bus lines limited Black commuters who didn't own cars in the aforementioned number as whites
Part time employees in suburbs were almost entirely white housewives
Women wouldn't buy a house or constitute credit without a husband, especially after a divorce
...more







Cohen's focus is on consumption, citizenship, and suburbanization. She argues that consumption in the 1930's and 40's became a patriotic act designed to boost the economy under Thou
This is a well-researched, conspicuously written, and fascinating volume that I will come up back to over and over again. Information technology'south ane of those "this is the why the earth is the way it is" books that are just incredibly valuable to scholars and the general reader alike. It wasn't always the quickest read, but it is highly illuminating.Cohen's focus is on consumption, citizenship, and suburbanization. She argues that consumption in the 1930'due south and 40's became a patriotic human action designed to heave the economic system under Keynesian auspices. Later the war, many people envisioned a "consumer'due south republic" in which high levels of income and consumption would raise the standard of living of all Americans and unite them in an age oIn the l's and 60's, it became more of a mode of life that mixed into race, where people lived, gender, and politics. Consumerism and citizenship became tightly entwined concepts considering consuming was seen as so crucial to keeping the postwar boom going. Over time, this conflation changed people's perception of themselves as citizens and the nation as a whole.
Suburbanization is a huge part of Cohen's argument. Cohen contends that the suburbs allowed people to live out a dream of prosperity, easy consumption, and independence, simply at a cost. At that place was always a nicer suburb to motility into, then suburbs started to reflect class hierarchies. They also tuckered money out of cities, which had hugely negative consequences for urban pedagogy and business organization. For example, new shopping centers popped up to serve the motorized suburbanites' consumption needs, draining the cities of much revenue. Suburbanites, for a mix of racial and economic reasons, wanted to ensure a homogenous population and therefore tried a number of tricks to proceed out minorities, including up zoning, redlining, protective covenants, and direct up intimidation or ostracization. Cohen shows that the racist fear of property values dropping when minorities movement in (a myth, btw) was pervasive in shaping suburban living patterns and ensuring black cities and white suburbs. The real question Cohen raises is whether suburbanization increased racial inequality and distrust. The answer for the time period of this book (50'due south to 70's) seems to be yeah.
Cohen makes some fascinating points about consumption and race. On i hand, the recognition of the power of the consumer was a major source of empowerment and rights protest. At the end of the solar day, most businesses wanted their money, which gave them some leverage as long as they acted in a united way. For blacks, the right to eat what they wanted on an equal basis with whites was a key demand that shaped ceremonious rights protests in the 1950'south especially. The "don't shop where y'all tin't work" campaign won many concessions regarding black employment in By the 1960'due south, companies were paying way more attending to the black market, offering specific products and messages. On the other hand, mass consumption and the consumer mentality increased many trends that hurt African Americans, especially those living in the inner cities. Large companies often ran smaller, black owned companies out of business once they turned their attending to the black market place. Blacks remained disempowered economically in their communities as stores tended to be endemic by outsiders. I take already mentioned the negative outcomes emerging from changing economic patterns relating to suburbanization. Finally, the geographic relocation of shopping centers drained stores and money out of cities, leading to employment issues for African Americans.
The biggest beard stroker of an argument in this book dealt with the connection betwixt consumption and politics. Cohen shows the consumption encouraged a self and small-group centered version of the mutual good. Market sectionalization contributed to this tendency. Markets divided up consumers into men, women, blacks, Latinos, kids, teenagers, the elderly, and then dozens of subsets of those groups, and marketed specifically to each grouping. Cohen says that politicians increasingly followed this method in campaigns, dividing up the denizens into a number of groups who all received dissimilar entrada letters. Her conclusion is that Americans increasingly view politics from the consumer's perspective, which has eroded the common good and notions of public service. Our political fragmentation and partisan rancor have but been enhanced past this trend.
Cohen is a bit more than pessimistic than I am about this story of consumption and suburbanization. To be fair, she does account for the many programs adopted to lessen the negative effects of these trends. She also notes how successful and positive the consumer advocacy movement has been, particularly under Ralph Nader in the 1970'due south. She clearly dislikes suburbs, but she doesn't permit this bias get in the way of her history. This is a landmark volume.
The comp stomp continues.
...more than
Cohen develops an interesting taxonomy for participants in this "consumers' commonwealth," a term she uses to describe the distinct rise of mass consumption, with both its economic and cultural implications, following Earth War 2. Cohen describes "citizen consumers," who sought to back up the public good through their consumption of goods, and "purchaser consumers," who were oriented toward self-serving acquisitiveness. Eventually, according to Cohen, these two types begin to amalgamate into the "purchaser as citizen," who attempts to satisfy a sense of civic consumerist duty while also seeking to benefit by the exercise of personal economic sovereignty. This last piece – a notion of private sovereignty, or "liberty" in the rhetoric of the Cold War – was tied to an abundance of goods in the marketplace vying for consumer pick and the individual economic means of the consumer to pursue choice. This understanding of freedom was most notably articulated in the Kitchen Fence between then-Vice President Richard Nixon and Soviet Start Secretary Nikita Khrushchev. Notwithstanding, Cohen illustrates that this ideal of private economical liberty was hitched to a sensibility, pronounced most provocatively in 1957 by William H. Whyte, editor of Fortune magazine, that "thrift is at present united nations-American." In post-McCarthy America, this truly was a notable statement of the confluence of political and economic ideology. Given this understanding of freedom and patriotism, ane wonders if product outside of the organization is considered destructive.
While much of Cohen's piece of work was interesting, 1 expanse which struck me as uneven was her examination of the Chiliad.I. Nib. While Cohen effectively describes how the benefits provided for in the G.I. Bill were inconsistently available or unequally applied fifty-fifty within the population of veterans, with particular regard to veterans of color, women veterans, and homosexual veterans given "blue discharges," she continues across this criticism of the practical implementation of the G.I. Bill. Stating that the G.I. Nib was "the primary policy instrument favoring men over women" in the re-establishment of postwar social order conveniently overlooks that men were overwhelmingly selected for service in the war to begin with - equally Cohen states, of the sixteen million men and women who served during the war, almost ii per centum, or approximately 320,000, were women. While the G.I. Bill undeniably established American males every bit principle breadwinners within postwar American society, the effect was essentially inevitable given the demographic selected for service. To back up this analysis, Cohen invokes the Bradley Commission's written report of veterans benefits, which suggested that government resources should be "more equitably distributed to all citizens through more than universal social programs." How the timely reintegration of 15 million American men into the domestic economic system would have been effectively managed without the G.I. Bill, which moderated the menstruum of veterans dorsum into the labor pool through education and vocational grooming benefits, is left to the reader to determine.
...more

As I read this I realized that I had already read some of the chapters for various classes on American history (namely the ones on suburbia and shopping malls). In fact this book is more a drove of journal articles writt
Interesting take on American history from the 1930's forward that focuses on the role (or yous could say dominion) of the consumer (rather than the voter or worker), arguing that they became the controlling influence, and sometimes even the controlling power in American society.As I read this I realized that I had already read some of the chapters for various classes on American history (namely the ones on bourgeoisie and shopping malls). In fact this book is more a drove of journal articles written by an writer with central area of interest than a unified book, and as such is very like shooting fish in a barrel to separate into chunks applicable to various class topics. Equally testify, the concluding 32% of the book is notes, bibliography, etc.
Cohen has a markedly Marxist/feminist/liberal bent to her piece of work, and much of the volume is focused on how consumers' economical interests accept often functioned in direct opposition to their political ones, with the exceptions of when they mobilized to use their collective economic power to enforce modify -- a period which she herself admits was fleeting and was dependent on a strong economy (task security). Her affiliate on consumer cultures and the shifts from mass market to segmented markets, and how producers grab a segment and begin to mold it via producing for it is fascinating.
The book starts off talking a footling bit about the rise of consumer protection laws in the progressive era, merely so argues that consumer power became political in the language of the new deal expanse culminating in the political mobilization of women's social groups in the xxx'southward to utilize their power as consumers to protect their families via laws designed to control unfair pricing, etc and then by union workers to boycott stores that didn't have union workers. The side by side section is on how African Americans utilized their ability as consumers to force the stores that served them to also hire them (as more than janitors, etc). The next section considers the cosmos of the suburbs, and the home as the largest consumer purchase, and how individual'due south owners concern with maintaining property values (rightly or wrongly) resulted in segregated neighborhoods. This segregation in turn resulted in imbalances in education as local real-estate taxes funded local schools. She so moves on to the rise of shopping centers (this was ane of the chapters I had already read for a grade). She and then talks about the ascent of consumer markets and how marketing changed over fourth dimension as it became more and more near reaching individuals segments, with the marketers getting more scientific in their approaches past utilizing sociology, anthropology, etc. She so goes on to talk about how politics became influenced past this sectionalization, transforming it so that only those already rich plenty to undertake a targeted add campaign (or backed by people rich enough) could afford to run. And then she talks near the button dorsum by corporations to disengage all the political gains of the consumers/workers, starting in the 70'south.
...more
Although occasionally touching on the negative aspects of the rapidly expanding consumer culture -- the growth of suburbia, for case -- A Consumers' Democracy is not a polemic raging against consumerism, and effects open up to interpretation, like the consequences of consumerism on citizens' peace of mind, are not touched on. It has a scholarly feel, though a 'pop' look; the art is well-done, including enough of large black and white photographs that demonstrate the point at hand, and stylized headings that bring to listen advertisements from the 1950s. I particularly constructive analogy shows the evolution of advertising in Ebony magazine from the 1950s to the 1970s, every bit white-owned haircare manufactures realized that (1) blacks were a market place and (2) that black people were a different marketplace. They gradually transition from a white model demonstrating hair treatment lotion to a blackness model advertising products related to 'natural' hair. Republic is a fascinating await at some other side of the ascent of consumption, impressively thorough in that respect, and free of scathing criticism if not disquisitional substance.
...more
Cohen uses her abode state of New Bailiwick of jersey equally case study to examine property taxes and education, residential home purchases, the rise of malls, and the refuse of urban neighborhoods. She notes the roles of women as citizen consumers and the difficult issues facing African-Americans every bit they sought places as both citizens and consumers. The entire projection of attempting mass consumption comes to an stop in the 70s and 80s equally unlike economic ends were pursued.
"Rather than seeking to describe all Americans into an expansive mass consumption web, Reaganites promoted upper-case letter investment, concentrated wealth, tax cutting, and personal savings over consumption, with the assumption that prosperity would 'trickle down' from new corporate and private wealth to ordinary American consumers."
"Whereas from the 1930s to every bit late as the 1970s, to refer to the consumer involvement was also to appeal to some larger public good beyond the private's self-interest, the ubiquitous invocation of the consumer today - equally patient, as parent, as social security recipient - often means satisfying the private interest of the paying customer, the combined consumer/citizen/taxpayer/voter whose greatest concern is, 'Am I getting my coin'due south worth?'"
It's a modify she describes, and even laments, but which she offers no remedy to undo. Pity that.
...more than
A key pivot is between the role of the denizen
For a long time I have felt that Americans identify more every bit consumers than every bit citizens. For me, the distinction is between bureau around satisfying material interests rather than agency to satisfy communal or societal interests. This book does a terrific job outlining how those roles were more intertwined than I realized. But this book does more than that, it provides a very useful way to understand American gild in the 20th and 21st centuries.A central pivot is betwixt the role of the citizen using her ability as a consumer to brand social changes. Women in particular were a powerful force during the Great Depression to push for economic changes, especially around food costs. African-Americans used their role as consumers to push white owned businesses servicing African-American consumers. They would boycott those white businesses that didn't hire African-Americans often with positive results.
Subsequently the war, while African-Americans continued pushing their role as a consumer-citizens by sitting at white only lunch counters and asking to exist served to spend their money, whites, men and women withdrew from the citizen consumer function and bought into the consumer-simply office. Were those two facts intertwined? Whites reluctantly granting basic civil rights to African-Americans but hypocritically creating safe spaces that were difficult for African-Americans to reach? Ah, the persistence and doggedness of White Supremacy. Here order encouraged white people to escape urban centers for the suburbs where they shopped at non-public malls, cordoned off their communities from African American entrance, depriving them of safe communities and good schools.
Then starting in the sixties simply gaining speed in the seventies, marketers moved away from marketing on-mass to consumers and finer divided u.s.a. up into distinct niches, senior citizens, women, men, teenagers etc. Every bit the whites exited from the public sphere on-mass, they were so further divided by mass marketing, creating insular tribes who signalling to each other through consumer purchases who they were and who they weren't. The book is written before the age of social media but it describes the seeds of the toxic tribalism and mass manipulation that characterizes this era of Trump.
...more

Cohen gives us a bully look at this shift from the perspective of beingness an activist consumer to a purchaser consumer; the political component of economic transactions being eliminated in favor of self-interest. It was the promotion of mass consumption as the "American Way" as opposed to thrift, cede and prudence of the Depression and World War eras. She also works the idea of citizen-consumerism of the African-American population and as a form of protestation, non rejecting mass consumption, but likewise using buying power (or non ownership) as a means to effect social alter.
Finally, Cohen examines the governments role in creating mass consumption as the platonic, namely through the GI Bill and FHA. Providing copious amounts of money to the millions of soldiers returning created i of the strongest economies the world had ever seen. Once that economic system began to irksome down, however, the real contend began. Would the government continue to subsidize spending or would it retreat? Every bit the 1970s illustrate, protecting the consumer was secondary to protecting producers and business.
...more
News & Interviews

Welcome dorsum. Simply a moment while we sign you in to your Goodreads business relationship.

Source: https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/114536.A_Consumers_Republic
0 Response to "Firmly Grounded Their Art in the Consumer Culture and Mass Media of the Postwar Period"
Post a Comment